Two Treatises of Civil Government

The Two Treatises of Civil Government is a work of political philosophy published anonymously in 1689 by John Locke. The First Treatise is an extended attack on Sir Robert Filmer's Patriarcha, which argued for a divinely-ordained, hereditary, absolute monarchy. The more influential Second Treatise outlines a theory of civil society based on natural rights and contract theory. Locke begins by describing the "state of nature," and goes on to explain the hypothetical rise of property and civilization, asserting that the only legitimate governments are those which have the consent of the people.

Locke's ideas heavily influenced both the American and French Revolutions. His notions of people's rights and the role of civil government provided strong support for the intellectual movements of both revolutions.

By : John Locke (1632 - 1704)

00 - Preface



01 - Book I, Chapter 01



02 - Book I, Chapter 02: Of Paternal and Regal Power



03 - Book I, Chapter 03: Of Adam's Title to Sovereignty by Creation



04 - Book I, Chapter 04: Of Adam's Title to Sovereignty By Donation, Gen. I. 28



05 - Book I, Chapter 05: Of Adam's Title to Sovereignty By the Subjection of Eve



06 - Book I, Chapter 06: Of Adam's Title to Sovereignty By Fatherhood



07 - Book I, Chapter 07: Of Fatherhood and Property Considered Together As Fountains of Sovereignty



08 - Book I, Chapter 08: Of the Conveyance of Adam's Sovereign Monarchical Power



09 - Book I, Chapter 09: Of Monarchy, By Inheritance from Adam



10 - Book I, Chapter 10: Of the Heir to Adam's Monarchical Power



11 - Book I, Chapter 11: Who Heir? part 1



12 - Book I, Chapter 11: Who Heir? part 2



13 - Book I, Chapter 11: Who Heir? part 3



14 - Book I, Chapter 11: Who Heir? part 4



15 - Book II, Chapter 01



16 - Book II, Chapter 02: Of the State of Nature



17 - Book II, Chapter 03: Of the State of War



18 - Book II, Chapter 04: Of Slavery



19 - Book II, Chapter 05: Of Property



20 - Book II, Chapter 06: Of Paternal Power



21 - Book II, Chapter 07: Of Political or Civil Society



22 - Book II, Chapter 08: Of the Beginning of Political Societies



23 - Book II, Chapter 09: Of the Ends of Political Society and Government



24 - Book II, Chapter 10: Of the Forms of a Common-wealth



25 - Book II, Chapter 11: Of the Extent of the Legislative Power



26 - Book II, Chapter 12: Of the Legislative, Executive, and Federative Power of the Common-wealth



27 - Book II, Chapter 13: Of the Subordination of the Powers of the Common-wealth



28 - Book II, Chapter 14: Of Prerogative



29 - Book II, Chapter 15: Of Paternal, Political, and Despotical Power, Considered Together



30 - Book II, Chapter 16: Of Conquest



31 - Book II, Chapter 17: Of Usurpation



32 - Book II, Chapter 18: Of Tyranny



33 - Book II, Chapter 19: Of the Dissolution of Government


Reader, thou hast here the beginning and end of a discourse concerning government; what fate has otherwise disposed of the papers that should have filled up the middle, and were more than all the rest, it is not worth while to tell thee. These, which remain, I hope are sufficient to establish the throne of our great restorer, our present King William; to make good his title, in the consent of the people, which being the only one of all lawful governments, he has more fully and clearly, than any prince in Christendom; and to justify to the world the people of England, whose love of their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the very brink of slavery and ruin. If these papers have that evidence, I slatter myself is to be found in them, there will be no great miss of those which are lost, and my reader may be satisfied without them: for I imagine, I shall have neither the time, nor inclination to repeat my pains, and fill up the wanting part of my answer, by tracing Sir Robert again, through all the windings and obscurities, which are to be met with in the several branches of his wonderful system. The king, and body of the nation, have since so throughly confuted his Hypothesis, that I suppose no body hereafter will have either the confidence to appear against our common safety, and be again an advocate for slavery; or the weakness to be deceived with contradictions dressed up in a popular stile, and well-turned periods: for if any one will be at the pains, himself, in those parts, which are here untouched, to strip Sir Robert’s discourses of the flourish of doubtful expressions, and endeavour to reduce his words to direct, positive, intelligible propositions, and then compare them one with another, he will quickly be satisfied, there was never so much glib nonsense put together in well-sounding English. If he think it not worth while to examine his works all thro’, let him make an experiment in that part, where he treats of usurpation; and let him try, whether he can, with all his skill, make Sir Robert intelligible, and consistent with himself, or common sense. I should not speak so plainly of a gentleman, long since past answering, had not the pulpit, of late years, publicly owned his doctrine, and made it the current divinity of the times. It is necessary those men, who taking on them to be teachers, have so dangerously misled others, should be openly shewed of what authority this their Patriarch is, whom they have so blindly followed, that so they may either retract what upon so ill grounds they have vented, and cannot be maintained; or else justify those principles which they preached up for gospel; though they had no better an author than an English courtier: for I should not have writ against Sir Robert, or taken the pains to shew his mistakes, inconsistencies, and want of (what he so much boasts of, and pretends wholly to build on) scripture-proofs, were there not men amongst us, who, by crying up his books, and espousing his doctrine, save me from the reproach of writing against a dead adversary. They have been so zealous in this point, that, if I have done him any wrong, I cannot hope they should spare me. I wish, where they have done the truth and the public wrong, they would be as ready to redress it, and allow its just weight to this reflection, viz. that there cannot be done a greater mischief to prince and people, than the propagating wrong notions concerning government; that so at last all times might not have reason to complain of the Drum Ecclesiastic. If any one, concerned really for truth, undertake the confutation of my Hypothesis, I promise him either to recant my mistake, upon fair conviction; or to answer his difficulties. But he must remember two things.

First, That cavilling here and there, at some expression, or little incident of my discourse, is not an answer to my book.

Secondly, That I shall not take railing for arguments, nor think either of these worth my notice, though I shall always look on myself as bound to give satisfacton to any one, who shall appear to be conscientiously scrupulous in the point, and shall shew any just grounds for his scruples.

I have nothing more, but to advertise the reader, that Observations stands for Observations on Hobbs, Milton, &c. and that a bare quotation of pages always means pages of his Patriarcha, Edition 1680.

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